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from Social Issues
Who Are the Metrosexuals?
A sizeable group of men seem to possess the gender-discordant, inborn traits that could lay the groundwork for same-sex attraction
by Louis A. Berman, Ph.D.
The buzzword "metrosexual" sprang from the satirical mind of Mark Simpson, who
is contemporary England's Oscar Wilde. In a 1994 article, he pointed to "a new,
narcissistic, self-conscious kind of masculinity produced by film, advertising
and glossy magazines... I meant it both as cheeky satire and sober
observation."
In other words, Simpson was beginning to notice urban gentlemen who were
adopting many of the traits and interests of homosexual men--narcissistic,
self-conscious ways, an interest in grooming, fashion, and style--but they were
not homosexual. Simpson waggishly coined the word "metrosexual," suggesting that
these dandies were most likely to be seen in metropolitan, rather than
provincial, areas.
Soon enough, a British marketing research firm zeroed in on this market for male
fragrances, hair color, grooming aids, clothing and other accessories for good
living. It was reported that 10 to 15 per cent of some skin care products
intended for women, were already being bought by men for their own use. Imagine
how much more effectively a sophisticated, research-based market strategy could
exploit these "metrosexual" customers.
British market research uncovered characteristics of this subculture that went
far beyond Simpson's 1994 conception. In addition to their narcissism and
fashion-consciousness, metrosexuals were found to be softer, more sensitive,
more artistic, more domestic, more romantic, and less interested in business
competition.
One market researcher described the metrosexual as "a straight man in touch with
his feminine side. One who likes kids, likes helping out around the house, and
who dreams more of growing old with the woman he loves than he does of being a
hero or business tycoon." Thus, British market researchers added empirical
findings and greatly expanded the latter-day Oscar Wilde's concept of the
metrosexual.
In 2002, Mark Simpson wrote that when he coined the term eight years ago, he was
"not being completely serious. No one has been more surprised than I by the
rapidity with which metrosexuality has conquered the Western world."
Now for a psychological commentary on this phenomenon. What we are witnessing
is, in part, a by-product of our society's increased respect for homosexual men.
Openly gay men now hold high-profile, high status positions in virtually all
walks of life. In the old days, a man would be shunned, openly ridiculed, or
even punished if he were suspected of being homosexual. Today, the risk is much
lower. Today, men are less afraid to be mistaken for a homosexual. These
straight guys are comfortable even though they may look gay. They more freely
yield to their impulse to adorn themselves, to display their artistic or
nurturant side.
What is the origin of a man's "feminine side," which he is more willing to act
out today, than was true in earlier generations? Is this the imitation of adored
(or dominating) female figures--Mother, big sisters, women teachers? More and
more evidence is piling up that variations in what have been called
"gender-discordant traits" are based on variations in prenatal brain
masculinization, a phenomenon that I take up in detail in my book, THE PUZZLE,
Exploring the Evolutionary Puzzle of Male Homosexuality. According to this
viewpoint, what we see in the free unfolding of men's softer side is a
relaxation of the Anglo-Saxon male's more traditional vigilance against
revealing his less masculine tendencies.
One cannot understand the brain-embeddedness of a male's less masculine traits
without recognizing the fact that female development is the default path of the
mammalian fetus. In other words, an embryo always develops into a female unless,
at a certain stage of prenatal development, testosterone floods the embryo and
masculinizes the brain and sex organs. There is much evidence from the animal
laboratory to support the belief that there is a curve of variation in brain
masculinity (but not in genital masculinization). Some brain tissue is presumed
to be genetically more resistant to masculinization than others. It seems likely
that there is a difference in brain wiring that is expressed by differences in
brain-discordance.
Some degree of brain-derived gender discordance is biologically functional. It
may actually make a man more appealing to a woman if she sees in her potential
mate, more than an aggressive, competitive macho male. It is not unusual for a
female to be attracted to males who seem to be capable of tenderness,
compassion, and intuition, who are likely to share the tasks of child care and
household management. It would be more accurate to call these traits not a man's
feminine side, but part of his pre-masculinized nature. These behavioral
characteristics are part of his original nature, just as the nipples on men's
chests are not a mark of feminization, but part of a male's original nature.
In a Chicago Tribune article, Lisa, a public relations account executive,
describes her metrosexual mate: "It's actually great to have a guy who loves to
cook, can hold his own when discussing curtain choices and enjoys shopping for
everything from clothes to power tools.... But when he gets into a room with
men and they are talking about hunting, fishing, basketball, he has no clue what
they're talking about." The article adds that Lisa "loves her spouse's openness
and says his nature enriches their relationship." Lisa is quoted to say, "I
don't ever have to worry about him coming home at 2 a.m. because he's been out
drinking beer, trying to pick up women at the bar. He's very family-oriented."
How is low brain-masculinization related to homosexuality? Some males (but not
others) are troubled by their psychic kinship to females. "I am a male with a
female brain," would express their shameful secret. They are burdened by a sense
of inferiority, by a feeling of deficit. They adore and worship masculinity.
With sexual maturity, this adoration expresses itself in a wish to penetrate and
be penetrated by another male, and to incorporate the body fluids of another
male, as if this incorporation would correct their "masculine deficit." (This
impulse makes some homosexual men tragically resistant to safe sex.)
What about the "metro" in metrosexual, and the implication that
gender-discordant tendencies are the product of an urban environment? In 1996, a
gay researcher, Will Fellows, published a study that debunked the idea that
homosexuality sprang from life in the wicked city. Fellows had interviewed about
a hundred gay men who were born and grew up on Midwestern farms. Their
recollections showed that from earliest childhood these farm boys were more
interested in helping mother around the kitchen than in helping father in the
field; they liked growing flowers more than growing farm crops, and enjoyed
working with baby animals and chickens more than riding a tractor. In many ways,
they became painfully aware of how different were their tendencies than their
brothers', their father's, and their male neighbors'.
In THE PUZZLE, I cite extensively from Fellows' study, for it demonstrates so
dramatically how early gender-discordant traits can emerge in a very rural
environment. (While still living on the farm, boys discover their homosexual
tendencies. They move to the city to place themselves in a friendlier
environment. That seems to be the connection between homosexuality and the big
city.)
Most importantly, perhaps, "discovery" of the metrosexual supports my
conjecture, made in THE PUZZLE, that a sizeable number of men possess the
congenital tendencies that may or may not lead to homosexuality. This conjecture
is supported by the finding that if one member of a set of male identical twins
is homosexual, his twin brother may or may not be homosexual. Also supportive is
the finding that in a longitudinal study of gender-discordant boys, only about
half of them were homosexuals at adulthood.
Homosexuality appears to result from the interaction of genetic factors and
experience. But exactly what kinds of experience trigger homosexual development?
There is much clinical observation, but there are still many unanswered
questions that good research could settle. But so long as mainstream psychology
holds that homosexuality is not a problem, it is unlikely that such research
will be pursued.
NARTH member Louis A. Berman is a retired professor of psychology at the
University of Illinois at Chicago, and author of The Puzzle: Exploring the
Evolutionary Puzzle of Male Homosexuality (Godot Press, 2003).
Updated: 3 September 2008
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