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from Political News
United Nations Human Rights Commission To Debate Naming Sexual Orientation As Special "Human Right"
by Frank York
This resolution would have far-reaching repercussions on our understanding of
family, sexuality and gender-- and would likely affect reorientation therapists
as well.
The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) has
successfully lobbied the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) to
hear arguments in March and April of 2004 that sexual orientation is a human
right that should be singled out for special protection by the U.N.
Goal is to "Change Attitudes and Behavior"
The U.N. Commission on Human Rights will meet in Geneva between March 15-April
25 to discuss a number of human rights concerns. It will consider a resolution
created by the Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission that says in part:
"Affirming that human rights education is a key to changing attitudes and
behavior and to promoting respect for diversity in societies" [the Human Rights
Commission],
"Expresses deep concern at the occurrence of violations of human rights in the
world against persons on the grounds of their sexual orientation."
A Broad Agenda At Work
The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission's effort is
spearheaded by the group's president, law professor and lesbian activist Paula
Ettelbrick.
Her organization is not only involved in promoting homosexual behavior as a
U.N.-protected right, but is working for the development of other new rights in
the area of gender and sexual behavior-- particularly, the legalization of
same-sex marriage; legalized prostitution in Brazil; and special legal
protections for transsexuals so that they will be recognized as members of the
opposite sex in the workplace.
The law must work to accommodate family arrangements that are designed (through
sperm donation, for example) to exclude a biological parent, according to
Ettelbrick. Writing in a law review article in 2001, she observes that,
"...the family structures of lesbians and gay men who have children simply do
not fit into the marital structure erected to envelop heterosexual, married
couples and their children .... Every lesbian couple with a biological child has
an automatic third person--the donor/father--who factors into the family ....
Significant changes to the legal rules of parenting would have to be made to
accommodate these families."
Thus, establishing sexual orientation as a human right under the United Nations
would serve to recognize and socially normalize entirely new family structures
which will include three parents--two mothers and a sperm father, or two fathers
whose child will be conceived by a lesbian mother.
Ettelbrick has expressed her disdain for the traditional marriage in an article
entitled, "Since When is Marriage a Path to Liberation?" quoted in Lesbians, Gay
Men and the Law (The New Press, 1993).
The Goal, Activist Says,
is to "Radically Reorder Society's View Of Reality"
Ettelbrick writes: "In arguing for the right to legal marriage, lesbian and gay
men would be forced to claim that we are just like heterosexual couples, have
the same goals and purposes, and vow to structure our lives similarly. ... We
must keep our eyes on the goals of providing true alternatives to marriage, and
of radically reordering society's view of reality."
The Gay & Lesbian Review Worldwide (November 1, 2003) published an essay
detailing how the United Nations can be used to promote homosexuality
worldwide.
In "How the U.N. Can Advance Gay Rights," the unnamed author said opposition to
homosexuality is akin to the Nazi persecution of homosexuals during World War
II. The goal, the author explained, is to use the U.N.'s Commission on Human
Rights as well as the International Criminal Court (ICC) to require nations to
establish homosexuality as a human right.
The same author noted that the U.S. Supreme Court's decision last year
legalizing sodomy in all 50 states included a "number of references to decisions
by the European Court of Human Rights and decriminalization of sodomy in other
countries, proving that international developments can offer powerful tools for
advocacy in the U.S. Thus, American gay and lesbian groups would be well-advised
to strengthen their ties with overseas organizations and to collaborate in
developing an expanding network of like-minded government delegates at the U.N."
Canadian law professor Douglas Sanders, writing in "Human Rights and Sexual
Orientation in International Law," (International Journal of Public
Administration, 2002) details the gradual erosion of national sovereignty in the
area of sexual orientation issues during the past two decades.
When Singled Out for Special Recognition as a 'Human Right,'
Homosexuality Achieves Status as Indistinguishable from Heterosexuality
Sanders notes that a breakthrough case on sexual orientation was decided by the
European Court of Human Rights in 1981, when it sided with gay activists in
Ireland who challenged a law that criminalized sodomy in that nation. In Dudgoon
v. United Kingdom, the court ruled that the law was a violation of human rights.
Then, in 1997, the court used this case to strike down unequal penalties for
violation of the United Kingdom's age-of-consent laws. Similar developments have
taken place in the European Union, where the European Parliament in 1998 issued
a statement condemning Austria, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania,
and Romania for their "unfair" treatment of homosexuals. A Charter of
Fundamental Rights proclaimed by the European Parliament in 2000 prohibits
discrimination--and includes sexual orientation in the document.
This trend of singling out homosexual behavior as a specially protected human
right is continuing throughout Europe. According to Sanders, "International law
can develop only when there have been reforms at the level of domestic legal
systems. Reforms in western states have been accelerating. We have moved beyond
a focus on decriminalization, and even beyond a focus on discrimination. Now the
spread of laws recognizing same-sex relationships is the most striking
development in the West."
U.S. Has Resisted Entanglement With U.N. Court
The U.N. International Criminal Court came into being in 2002. When it was first
being debated in 1998-99, then-President Clinton signed the Rome Statute, which
was the document creating the court.
However, in 2002, the Bush State Department informed the United Nations that our
country would not be part of the treaty.
Since then, 78 other nations have signed the treaty and have placed their
national sovereignty under the control of U.N. bureaucrats.
What this means is that if the Human Rights Commission decides that sexual
orientation is a specially acknowledged human right, it will use its enforcement
powers and the power of the ICC to declare to these 78 nations that their
policies against homosexual behavior are illegal. This policy would impact
counselors, psychologists, and psychiatrists in these nations who believe in
reparative therapy.
A favorable decision by the U.N. commission would also eventually impact social
policies here in the United States in dealing with the issue of homosexuality.
As foreign nations are forced to change their policies, these legal decisions
will be cited by American judges in making rulings against reorientation therapy
for those struggling with same-sex attractions--or for laws involving
homosexuality.
In February, 2004, the United Nations General Assembly approved the appointment
of Canadian Supreme Court Justice Louise Arbour to become the new Commissioner
on Human Rights at the United Nations.
Arbour is scheduled to take her new position in June. She has a reputation for
being an internationalist who wishes to use the International Criminal Court to
impose sanctions against nations that violate what the U.N. considers human
rights violations.
Justice Arbour has been widely viewed in Canada as supporter of the homosexual
political agenda. In a 2002 case involving pro-homosexual books being placed in
elementary school libraries, she sided with gay activists and declared that gay
couples are no different than heterosexual couples.
Foreign Decisions Cited In American Legal Cases
Judge Robert Bork, writing in his 2003 book, Coercing Virtue: The Worldwide Rule
of Judges, notes that more and more judges in the United States are referring to
foreign courts when they issue their rulings. This is especially true when it
comes to issues such as homosexuality or abortion.
In the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Lawrence vs. Texas, which overturned our
nation's sodomy laws, justices cited a decision from the European Court of Human
Rights. Justice Sandra Day O'Connor is encouraged by this trend. She noted in a
speech last year, "No institution of government can afford any longer to ignore
the rest of the world," and she declared that foreign court decisions "may not
only enrich our own country's decisions; it will create that all important good
impression."
Bork sees no quick solution to this trend except to get judges on state and
federal courts who do not support this activist agenda.
Another solution, some observers have noted, is to make certain that the United
States does not sign any United Nations treaties that will give up our national
sovereignty to any United Nations entity--especially to the International
Criminal Court or the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.
The person who sits in the White House and the Senators who have the power to
ratify treaties will play key roles in determining whether or not we give up our
sovereignty over sexual-orientation issues.
Updated: 3 September 2008
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